---
title: "Why Did the Iran Protests Fail? How Tehran Crushed a Nationwide Uprising"
description: "At the start of the year, when the Iranian protests were at the height of their powers, with hundreds of thousands of people in the streets across multiple cities, Western observers dared to ask the question that many have long wanted to ask: is this the end for the Iranian regime? For a while, it seemed like the answer would be a resounding yes.\n\nThe protests appeared to grow larger with each passing day. Cities seemed to slip out of the grasp of the Iranian government, and there was hope that the United States or Israel would intervene on the side of the protesters. There were even reports that Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was considering fleeing the country, which would have been the most significant event in Iran since the 1978 revolution that brought down the Pahlavi dynasty and ushered in Islamic rule. Even the increasingly desperate measures the government deployed to halt the demonstrations read, to outside eyes, as a sign that the state was fighting for its very survival.\n\nThe tables have since turned. The government appears to have won, decisively crushing the protests and settling the question of whether this was the end for the regime. An eerie sense of calm has descended on Iranian cities, with heavily armed security forces patrolling the streets and enforcing what many see as a de facto curfew. \"There is a state of fear,\" Mehdi Yahyanejad, an Iranian activist, told ABC.\n\nHow did Iran go from protests in all 31 provinces to an eerie silence in the streets? And what does this reversal mean for the future of the Islamic Republic? The answer lies in a combination of overwhelming repression, a structurally loyal security apparatus, a fractured opposition, and an international community that ultimately declined to intervene.\n\n## Key Takeaways\n\n- The protests collapsed from a convergence of factors: mass lethal violence on January 8, advanced surveillance, a fragmented opposition, and the absence of the foreign intervention many protesters had been led to expect.\n- Reuters reported a death toll of at least 5,000; local activists put the true figure between 12,000 and 20,000 — several times deadlier than Tanzania's post-election crackdown, which the world had already regarded as a catastrophe.\n- Tehran retained full control of the IRGC and its Basij militia, ideologically bound to the revolution and far better equipped than the regular army — unlike Tunisia, Sudan, and Madagascar, where security forces ultimately broke with their leaders.\n- President Trump promised help that never came; Washington held back over retaliation risks, the complexity of striking Iran's layered defenses, and warnings from Israel, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman.\n- The underlying drivers — a collapsing currency, water shortages, runaway inflation — remain unaddressed, with the World Bank projecting Iran's economy to shrink in both 2025 and 2026 and inflation rising toward 60%.\n\n## From Restraint to Massacre\n\nIn the early days of the protests, the regime's response, at least by its own brutal standards, was restrained. According to an Iranian history professor who spoke to the Financial Times, even as the number of protesters on the streets swelled, there was no atmosphere of fear and no violence, neither from the protesters nor from the government forces.\n\nEverything changed on the 8th of January. It was the twelfth day of the protests, and a large crowd had taken to the streets in response to a call made by Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the Shah deposed in the 1979 revolution. A former fighter pilot who uses the title Crown Prince of Iran, Pahlavi has long been a critic of the regime; Al Jazeera has described him as the polite face of the Iranian opposition in exile. He had quickly become a popular figure among Iranian protesters, most of whom were disillusioned with decades of repression under the current regime.\n\nFor Tehran, this was unacceptable. The government cut off the internet and international phone calls in an attempt to stop the Shah's message from reaching the citizens, then unleashed a level of force that transformed the character of the uprising overnight.\n\n## The Scale of the Killing\n\nAccording to Amnesty International, security forces positioned on the streets and rooftops, including those of residential buildings, mosques, and police stations, repeatedly fired rifles and shotguns loaded with metal pellets at protesters, targeting their heads and torsos. Medical facilities were soon overwhelmed, and the image that has come to define these protests began leaking out to the international press: rows and rows of body bags stacked in morgues as families desperately searched for their loved ones. The horror was not confined to morgues. Witnesses who spoke with Amnesty described seeing bodies in pick-up trucks, freight containers, and warehouses.\n\nReuters reported that the death toll reached at least 5,000 people. Local activists insist that the true number ranges from 12,000 to 20,000. For comparison, the bloody post-election crackdown in Tanzania the previous autumn, which shocked the world, is estimated to have left two thousand dead. By that measure, the violence in Iran was several times deadlier than an event the international community had already regarded as a catastrophe.\n\n## The High-Tech Playbook\n\nThe killing alone did not make this round of repression so effective. According to CNN's Mostafa Salem, the regime quickly shifted from tried-and-tested riot suppression methods to advanced tactics that combined the nation's military might with psychological operations. The government unleashed low-flying surveillance drones, signal jammers, and a rapid-response propaganda apparatus designed to demoralize the protesters.\n\nThe state also exploited the vast array of CCTV cameras spread throughout the country, particularly in Tehran, to track and identify demonstrators in the streets. Choosing to protest from home offered little protection. The police distributed a video titled \"Identifiable Sounds,\" showing drones hovering outside apartment buildings to find people chanting anti-regime slogans. The footage then showed security officials marking buildings with warning stickers and, in some cases, arresting residents. The message was unambiguous: dissent voiced from a window could be located, catalogued, and punished.\n\nStill, the scale of the violence alone, even combined with these psychological operations, does not fully explain why the protests petered out. History is full of cases where extreme repression has backfired, which makes Iran's success the more striking puzzle.\n\n## Why Brutality Worked Here\n\nExtreme government repression has often backfired spectacularly on the regimes that ordered it. In 2011, when Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali ordered security forces to fire on protesters, the violence only made the crowds larger and more determined, leading to his eventual ouster. In Sudan, after protests that lasted from 2018 to 2019 and led to the deaths of hundreds, the military eventually turned on President Omar al-Bashir and forced him from power. More recently, in late 2025, the President of Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina, was forced to flee the country after his government's brutal crackdown on Gen Z protests led the military to switch sides.\n\nThese cases illustrate that brutality alone does not guarantee success in crushing dissent. Sometimes it accelerates a regime's downfall. So why did Iran's crackdown succeed where others failed?\n\nThe answer lies in how much control Tehran has over its security infrastructure. Unlike Madagascar, where the military maintained some independence from the executive, in Iran the supreme leader, Khamenei, maintains full control of the armed forces as their commander in chief. There is also the structure of those forces. Iran's military is divided in two: the Iranian army, or Artesh, which is loyal to the state itself, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its Basij militia, which are loyal to the regime and the spirit of the revolution.\n\n## The IRGC and the Limits of a Coup\n\nWhile both forces nominally receive the support of the Iranian regime, defense writer Kyle Mizokami notes that the IRGC is much better equipped than the Artesh. Functionally, this means that even if the Artesh were to side with the protesters, or attempt a takeover on its own, it would have to contend with an IRGC that controls more guns, is better trained, and is deeply embedded in all levels of the country.\n\nThis raises the obvious question: what if the IRGC itself switched sides? What is stopping it from taking over? Apart from its ideological commitment to the revolution, Patrick Sykes, Bloomberg's Middle East editor, argues that having watched Hezbollah struggle to transition from armed militia to formal participant in government, the IRGC has no appetite to do the same. Governing would saddle the Guard with responsibility for the nation's overlapping economic, political, social, and environmental crises, and would force incredibly difficult choices if it wanted to win public and international support rather than remain a pariah like the current regime. That would be a far cry from its currently privileged position as the regime's main enforcers. The incentives, in other words, keep the most powerful armed body in the country firmly on the regime's side.\n\n## A Fractured Opposition\n\nThe regime also benefited from something the protesters lacked: unity. While hundreds of thousands took to the streets across Iran, the opposition remained deeply fractured, both inside the country and abroad. Dina Esfandiary, Middle East lead for Bloomberg Economics, told CNN that most opposition figures, including Reza Pahlavi, had not done the legwork to build support. Pahlavi in particular had proven to be a deeply divisive figure, one who risked splitting Iran should he return to power.\n\nCNN reports that this uncertainty over what would come next, and the risk of Iran collapsing into tribal fiefdoms, weighed heavily on many of the protesters and influenced just how far they were willing to push the government. In the face of a fractured opposition, and a populace that, despite wanting reforms, was afraid of pushing too hard too fast, Tehran quickly seized the upper hand and crushed the protests.\n\nBut the protests did not fail solely because of internal weaknesses. The international community also played a major role in their defeat.\n\n## Help That Never Came\n\nAt the height of the protests, President Trump wrote on social media: \"Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!!... HELP IS ON ITS WAY.\" When word of this filtered down to the streets of Tehran, many believed him. Their hopes rose further when the Pentagon advised non-essential personnel at a military base in Qatar to evacuate, which some interpreted as preparation for battle, an interpretation strengthened by the arrival of the USS Roosevelt, a guided-missile destroyer, in the Persian Gulf.\n\nBuoyed by the belief that help would be coming soon, some went back into the streets with renewed vigor. One was 38-year-old Siavash Shirzad. His cousin told The Guardian that despite their best efforts, they could not convince him to stay home. He told them, \"Trump said he supports us, I'm going.\" He was shot while at the protests, and hours later died of his wounds. American help never arrived, and Iranians speaking to multiple international outlets described a profound sense of betrayal.\n\n## Why Washington Held Back\n\nWhich begs the question: why did President Trump not intervene despite promising to help the protesters? The Washington Post reports that on Wednesday, the 14th of January, much of the Middle East and officials in Washington believed Trump would launch an attack against Iran. While the president had not issued an official strike order, his top security advisers expected him to imminently authorize one of the military options presented to him.\n\nAccording to the Post, what stopped it was a message from Tehran, delivered by Steve Witkoff, America's Special Envoy to the Middle East, announcing that Tehran had cancelled the planned execution of 800 people. Trump hailed that message as proof that the Iranian regime had listened to him, and later said he greatly respected the fact that they cancelled. But that message alone does not paint a full picture of why Trump chose not to strike Iran, unless one believes he is genuinely so susceptible to flattery that autocratic regimes can play him at will. The more durable reasons lie elsewhere.\n\nFirst, there was the risk of retaliation. Recent intelligence reports had indicated that Iran was preparing options to target American bases in the Middle East, including those in Iraq and Syria, in the event of a strike. And because Washington had deployed an aircraft carrier strike group and an accompanying armada to the Caribbean for the Maduro operation, there was a fear that the United States did not have enough firepower in the region to defend against a retaliatory strike. Israel shared those concerns with Prime Minister Netanyahu, urging caution because the nation had yet to replenish its interceptor stockpiles after the 12-day war. Other regional allies, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman, delivered their own warnings, insisting that strikes would lead to a major and intractable conflict across the Middle East and could destabilize oil prices and disrupt maritime traffic.\n\nSecond, the mission itself was extraordinarily complex, with no guarantee of success. Unlike Venezuela, where special forces could quickly snatch and grab Maduro, Iran presented a fundamentally different challenge. Tehran has layered air defenses, a large standing military, and territory the size of Alaska, with multiple possible locations where the Ayatollah could safely hide. If the strikes failed to decapitate the regime, they risked doing the opposite, galvanizing popular support as the regime's loyalists, and moderate Iranians who do not necessarily support the Islamic Republic but oppose American intervention, rallied around the flag against foreign aggression.\n\n## A Win, of Sorts\n\nFor now, American intervention appears to be off the table, though White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt insisted that the president was monitoring the situation closely and that all options remained on the table. Translated from Washington-speak, the Trump administration is signaling that strikes remain possible if Iran goes back on its word.\n\nIt is also worth noting that even though the United States did not strike Iran, that does not mean it did nothing. Administration officials had privately told Gulf partners that Trump's primary goal was to stop the killing. Considering Tehran's message that the executions were cancelled and the killings stopped, one could argue that Trump achieved his goals. The word \"could\" matters: given the information blackout, it is very difficult to figure out what is actually happening inside the regime's prisons.\n\nAnd even if there really is a moratorium on executions, it offers little comfort to Iranians who watched thousands of their countrymen die in the streets and now face life under a repressive regime emboldened by its recent success. All of which leads to the final and most pressing question: with American help off the table, at least in the short term, a fractured opposition, and the protests crushed, what comes next for Iran?\n\n## What Comes Next\n\nFor long-time Iran observers, the scenes coming out of the country are very familiar. This is not the first time the nation has found itself on the other end of protests that everyone believed would lead to the collapse of the Ayatollah's government, only for it to emerge stronger than before. Every time this has happened, the Iranian people have bided their time before returning to the streets, sometimes years later.\n\nAll the signs indicate that this pattern will repeat itself. At some point in the not-too-distant future, the Iranian people will once again protest in the street. Already, despite the government's best efforts, people are still finding ways to express their discontent. Mehdi Yahyanejad told ABC that people were heard chanting anti-regime slogans from windows, and that in some neighborhoods groups of youths gathered and shouted slogans before quickly fleeing when security forces arrived.\n\nThis persistence is rooted in the fact that the government has not addressed the fundamental issues that drove people into the streets: a weakening currency, water shortages, runaway inflation, and an economy that, for all intents and purposes, is hobbling along on two broken legs and crutches that are themselves on the verge of breaking. With sanctions still in place, the government has no easy way out. Unless Tehran makes major concessions on its nuclear program, and given how central that program is to the regime's survival, that appears unlikely any time soon, it is all but guaranteed that the economy will continue to tank. In October 2025, the World Bank projected that Iran's economy would shrink in both 2025 and 2026, and that annual inflation would rise toward 60%. In short, all the ingredients for another round of protests are there.\n\n## Will It Happen Again?\n\nNot everyone is convinced the cycle will turn quickly. William Spaniel, an associate professor at the University of Pittsburgh, argues that another uprising might not necessarily come. \"Autocracies persist in environments where citizens are perennially upset but live in fear of resisting the government,\" he says. \"In other words, citizens coordinating on protests is rare and magical and there is no guarantee that it will happen again.\" Spaniel may be right in the short term. The brutal crackdown has reminded Iranians just how dangerous taking to the streets can be.\n\nBut Michael Doran, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, argues that even if the regime survives, it will not emerge with its authority intact. The Islamic Republic may have crushed the protests, but it cannot restore the legitimacy it has lost. Each successive wave of unrest since 2009 has reduced the regime's capacity to impose its will on society while deepening popular resistance. The 2022 protests led to widespread public disregard for compulsory hijab laws. This round will likely leave its own legacy, one that further hollows out the government's claim to represent the people.\n\nWith enough time, and enough protests, the regime's legitimacy may be hollowed out to the point where nothing is left. And at that point, finally, the entire rotten edifice may collapse.\n\n## Frequently Asked Questions\n\n### When and why did the Iranian crackdown turn lethal?\n\nThe turn came on the 8th of January, the twelfth day of the protests. Until then, an Iranian history professor told the Financial Times, the regime's response was restrained, with no atmosphere of fear and no violence on either side. The shift followed a call from exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi for Iranians to take to the streets, which Tehran found unacceptable. The government cut off the internet and international phone calls and unleashed lethal force against the crowds.\n\n### Why did Iran's crackdown succeed where Tunisia, Sudan, and Madagascar saw their leaders fall?\n\nIn those countries, security forces or the military ultimately broke with their leaders. In Iran, Supreme Leader Khamenei retains full control of the armed forces as commander in chief. The military is split between the state-loyal Artesh and the regime-loyal IRGC and Basij militia. Defense writer Kyle Mizokami notes the IRGC is far better equipped, better trained, and more deeply embedded, meaning any move by the regular army would have to overcome it.\n\n### What surveillance and psychological tactics did the regime use?\n\nAccording to CNN's Mostafa Salem, the regime moved beyond conventional riot suppression to low-flying surveillance drones, signal jammers, and a rapid-response propaganda apparatus. It used a nationwide CCTV network, especially in Tehran, to identify demonstrators, and distributed a video titled \"Identifiable Sounds\" showing drones locating people who chanted anti-regime slogans from inside their homes, after which buildings were marked with warning stickers and some residents arrested.\n\n### Why didn't President Trump intervene after promising help?\n\nThe Washington Post reports that a message from Tehran, delivered by Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, said the regime had cancelled the planned execution of 800 people, which Trump cited as a reason to hold off. Beyond that, there was the risk of Iranian retaliation against American bases in Iraq and Syria at a time when much US firepower had been deployed to the Caribbean for the Maduro operation; warnings from Israel and from regional allies including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman; and the sheer complexity of striking a country with layered air defenses and territory the size of Alaska.\n\n### What is driving the likelihood of future protests?\n\nThe government has not addressed the underlying grievances: a weakening currency, water shortages, runaway inflation, and an economy crippled by sanctions. In October 2025, the World Bank projected Iran's economy would shrink in both 2025 and 2026, with annual inflation rising toward 60%. Already, people are chanting anti-regime slogans from windows and gathering in neighborhoods before dispersing when security forces arrive.\n\n## Sources\n\n1. https://archive.is/V7Ip5\n2. https://archive.is/xzj5s\n3. https://abcnews.go.com/International/bloody-crackdown-appears-quelled-iran-protests-now/story?id=129287014\n4. https://edition.cnn.com/2026/01/13/middleeast/iran-high-tech-additions-playbook-crushing-protests-intl\n5. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2026/1/12/who-is-reza-pahlavi-the-exiled-prince-urging-iranians-to-seize\n6. https://www.dw.com/en/irans-complex-political-and-military-power-structure/a-72976165\n7. https://nationalinterest.org/blog/reboot/irans-massive-army-still-nothing-compared-irgc-192148\n8. https://foreignpolicy.com/2026/01/15/faulty-assumptions-about-iran-have-driven-a-failed-u-s-policy/\n9. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/01/19/iran-trump-attack-protesters-killed/\n10. https://www.axios.com/2026/01/18/iran-strikes-trump-delay-military-options\n11. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/15/gulf-states-and-turkey-urged-trump-not-to-launch-strikes-against-iran\n12. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2026-01-15/iran-protests-will-khamenei-s-regime-survive-and-what-lies-ahead\n13. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/jan/20/iran-protests-change-regime-fall\n\n<!-- youtube:5Bt6K0Jo0xo -->"
url: https://warfronts.pub/article/why-did-the-iran-protests-fail.md
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datePublished: 2026-06-02
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  - name: Simon Whistler
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---

<!-- aeo:section start="lede" -->
At the start of the year, when the Iranian protests were at the height of their powers, with hundreds of thousands of people in the streets across multiple cities, Western observers dared to ask the question that many have long wanted to ask: is this the end for the Iranian regime? For a while, it seemed like the answer would be a resounding yes.

The protests appeared to grow larger with each passing day. Cities seemed to slip out of the grasp of the Iranian government, and there was hope that the United States or Israel would intervene on the side of the protesters. There were even reports that Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was considering fleeing the country, which would have been the most significant event in Iran since the 1978 revolution that brought down the Pahlavi dynasty and ushered in Islamic rule. Even the increasingly desperate measures the government deployed to halt the demonstrations read, to outside eyes, as a sign that the state was fighting for its very survival.

The tables have since turned. The government appears to have won, decisively crushing the protests and settling the question of whether this was the end for the regime. An eerie sense of calm has descended on Iranian cities, with heavily armed security forces patrolling the streets and enforcing what many see as a de facto curfew. "There is a state of fear," Mehdi Yahyanejad, an Iranian activist, told ABC.

How did Iran go from protests in all 31 provinces to an eerie silence in the streets? And what does this reversal mean for the future of the Islamic Republic? The answer lies in a combination of overwhelming repression, a structurally loyal security apparatus, a fractured opposition, and an international community that ultimately declined to intervene.

<!-- aeo:section end="lede" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="key-takeaways" -->
## Key Takeaways

- The protests collapsed from a convergence of factors: mass lethal violence on January 8, advanced surveillance, a fragmented opposition, and the absence of the foreign intervention many protesters had been led to expect.
- Reuters reported a death toll of at least 5,000; local activists put the true figure between 12,000 and 20,000 — several times deadlier than Tanzania's post-election crackdown, which the world had already regarded as a catastrophe.
- Tehran retained full control of the IRGC and its Basij militia, ideologically bound to the revolution and far better equipped than the regular army — unlike Tunisia, Sudan, and Madagascar, where security forces ultimately broke with their leaders.
- President Trump promised help that never came; Washington held back over retaliation risks, the complexity of striking Iran's layered defenses, and warnings from Israel, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman.
- The underlying drivers — a collapsing currency, water shortages, runaway inflation — remain unaddressed, with the World Bank projecting Iran's economy to shrink in both 2025 and 2026 and inflation rising toward 60%.

<!-- aeo:section end="key-takeaways" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="from-restraint-to-massacre" -->
## From Restraint to Massacre

In the early days of the protests, the regime's response, at least by its own brutal standards, was restrained. According to an Iranian history professor who spoke to the Financial Times, even as the number of protesters on the streets swelled, there was no atmosphere of fear and no violence, neither from the protesters nor from the government forces.

Everything changed on the 8th of January. It was the twelfth day of the protests, and a large crowd had taken to the streets in response to a call made by Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the Shah deposed in the 1979 revolution. A former fighter pilot who uses the title Crown Prince of Iran, Pahlavi has long been a critic of the regime; Al Jazeera has described him as the polite face of the Iranian opposition in exile. He had quickly become a popular figure among Iranian protesters, most of whom were disillusioned with decades of repression under the current regime.

For Tehran, this was unacceptable. The government cut off the internet and international phone calls in an attempt to stop the Shah's message from reaching the citizens, then unleashed a level of force that transformed the character of the uprising overnight.

<!-- aeo:section end="from-restraint-to-massacre" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="the-scale-of-the-killing" -->
## The Scale of the Killing

According to Amnesty International, security forces positioned on the streets and rooftops, including those of residential buildings, mosques, and police stations, repeatedly fired rifles and shotguns loaded with metal pellets at protesters, targeting their heads and torsos. Medical facilities were soon overwhelmed, and the image that has come to define these protests began leaking out to the international press: rows and rows of body bags stacked in morgues as families desperately searched for their loved ones. The horror was not confined to morgues. Witnesses who spoke with Amnesty described seeing bodies in pick-up trucks, freight containers, and warehouses.

Reuters reported that the death toll reached at least 5,000 people. Local activists insist that the true number ranges from 12,000 to 20,000. For comparison, the bloody post-election crackdown in Tanzania the previous autumn, which shocked the world, is estimated to have left two thousand dead. By that measure, the violence in Iran was several times deadlier than an event the international community had already regarded as a catastrophe.

<!-- aeo:section end="the-scale-of-the-killing" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="the-high-tech-playbook" -->
## The High-Tech Playbook

The killing alone did not make this round of repression so effective. According to CNN's Mostafa Salem, the regime quickly shifted from tried-and-tested riot suppression methods to advanced tactics that combined the nation's military might with psychological operations. The government unleashed low-flying surveillance drones, signal jammers, and a rapid-response propaganda apparatus designed to demoralize the protesters.

The state also exploited the vast array of CCTV cameras spread throughout the country, particularly in Tehran, to track and identify demonstrators in the streets. Choosing to protest from home offered little protection. The police distributed a video titled "Identifiable Sounds," showing drones hovering outside apartment buildings to find people chanting anti-regime slogans. The footage then showed security officials marking buildings with warning stickers and, in some cases, arresting residents. The message was unambiguous: dissent voiced from a window could be located, catalogued, and punished.

Still, the scale of the violence alone, even combined with these psychological operations, does not fully explain why the protests petered out. History is full of cases where extreme repression has backfired, which makes Iran's success the more striking puzzle.

<!-- aeo:section end="the-high-tech-playbook" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="why-brutality-worked-here" -->
## Why Brutality Worked Here

Extreme government repression has often backfired spectacularly on the regimes that ordered it. In 2011, when Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali ordered security forces to fire on protesters, the violence only made the crowds larger and more determined, leading to his eventual ouster. In Sudan, after protests that lasted from 2018 to 2019 and led to the deaths of hundreds, the military eventually turned on President Omar al-Bashir and forced him from power. More recently, in late 2025, the President of Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina, was forced to flee the country after his government's brutal crackdown on Gen Z protests led the military to switch sides.

These cases illustrate that brutality alone does not guarantee success in crushing dissent. Sometimes it accelerates a regime's downfall. So why did Iran's crackdown succeed where others failed?

The answer lies in how much control Tehran has over its security infrastructure. Unlike Madagascar, where the military maintained some independence from the executive, in Iran the supreme leader, Khamenei, maintains full control of the armed forces as their commander in chief. There is also the structure of those forces. Iran's military is divided in two: the Iranian army, or Artesh, which is loyal to the state itself, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its Basij militia, which are loyal to the regime and the spirit of the revolution.

<!-- aeo:section end="why-brutality-worked-here" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="the-irgc-and-the-limits-of-a-coup" -->
## The IRGC and the Limits of a Coup

While both forces nominally receive the support of the Iranian regime, defense writer Kyle Mizokami notes that the IRGC is much better equipped than the Artesh. Functionally, this means that even if the Artesh were to side with the protesters, or attempt a takeover on its own, it would have to contend with an IRGC that controls more guns, is better trained, and is deeply embedded in all levels of the country.

This raises the obvious question: what if the IRGC itself switched sides? What is stopping it from taking over? Apart from its ideological commitment to the revolution, Patrick Sykes, Bloomberg's Middle East editor, argues that having watched Hezbollah struggle to transition from armed militia to formal participant in government, the IRGC has no appetite to do the same. Governing would saddle the Guard with responsibility for the nation's overlapping economic, political, social, and environmental crises, and would force incredibly difficult choices if it wanted to win public and international support rather than remain a pariah like the current regime. That would be a far cry from its currently privileged position as the regime's main enforcers. The incentives, in other words, keep the most powerful armed body in the country firmly on the regime's side.

<!-- aeo:section end="the-irgc-and-the-limits-of-a-coup" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="a-fractured-opposition" -->
## A Fractured Opposition

The regime also benefited from something the protesters lacked: unity. While hundreds of thousands took to the streets across Iran, the opposition remained deeply fractured, both inside the country and abroad. Dina Esfandiary, Middle East lead for Bloomberg Economics, told CNN that most opposition figures, including Reza Pahlavi, had not done the legwork to build support. Pahlavi in particular had proven to be a deeply divisive figure, one who risked splitting Iran should he return to power.

CNN reports that this uncertainty over what would come next, and the risk of Iran collapsing into tribal fiefdoms, weighed heavily on many of the protesters and influenced just how far they were willing to push the government. In the face of a fractured opposition, and a populace that, despite wanting reforms, was afraid of pushing too hard too fast, Tehran quickly seized the upper hand and crushed the protests.

But the protests did not fail solely because of internal weaknesses. The international community also played a major role in their defeat.

<!-- aeo:section end="a-fractured-opposition" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="help-that-never-came" -->
## Help That Never Came

At the height of the protests, President Trump wrote on social media: "Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!!... HELP IS ON ITS WAY." When word of this filtered down to the streets of Tehran, many believed him. Their hopes rose further when the Pentagon advised non-essential personnel at a military base in Qatar to evacuate, which some interpreted as preparation for battle, an interpretation strengthened by the arrival of the USS Roosevelt, a guided-missile destroyer, in the Persian Gulf.

Buoyed by the belief that help would be coming soon, some went back into the streets with renewed vigor. One was 38-year-old Siavash Shirzad. His cousin told The Guardian that despite their best efforts, they could not convince him to stay home. He told them, "Trump said he supports us, I'm going." He was shot while at the protests, and hours later died of his wounds. American help never arrived, and Iranians speaking to multiple international outlets described a profound sense of betrayal.

<!-- aeo:section end="help-that-never-came" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="why-washington-held-back" -->
## Why Washington Held Back

Which begs the question: why did President Trump not intervene despite promising to help the protesters? The Washington Post reports that on Wednesday, the 14th of January, much of the Middle East and officials in Washington believed Trump would launch an attack against Iran. While the president had not issued an official strike order, his top security advisers expected him to imminently authorize one of the military options presented to him.

According to the Post, what stopped it was a message from Tehran, delivered by Steve Witkoff, America's Special Envoy to the Middle East, announcing that Tehran had cancelled the planned execution of 800 people. Trump hailed that message as proof that the Iranian regime had listened to him, and later said he greatly respected the fact that they cancelled. But that message alone does not paint a full picture of why Trump chose not to strike Iran, unless one believes he is genuinely so susceptible to flattery that autocratic regimes can play him at will. The more durable reasons lie elsewhere.

First, there was the risk of retaliation. Recent intelligence reports had indicated that Iran was preparing options to target American bases in the Middle East, including those in Iraq and Syria, in the event of a strike. And because Washington had deployed an aircraft carrier strike group and an accompanying armada to the Caribbean for the Maduro operation, there was a fear that the United States did not have enough firepower in the region to defend against a retaliatory strike. Israel shared those concerns with Prime Minister Netanyahu, urging caution because the nation had yet to replenish its interceptor stockpiles after the 12-day war. Other regional allies, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman, delivered their own warnings, insisting that strikes would lead to a major and intractable conflict across the Middle East and could destabilize oil prices and disrupt maritime traffic.

Second, the mission itself was extraordinarily complex, with no guarantee of success. Unlike Venezuela, where special forces could quickly snatch and grab Maduro, Iran presented a fundamentally different challenge. Tehran has layered air defenses, a large standing military, and territory the size of Alaska, with multiple possible locations where the Ayatollah could safely hide. If the strikes failed to decapitate the regime, they risked doing the opposite, galvanizing popular support as the regime's loyalists, and moderate Iranians who do not necessarily support the Islamic Republic but oppose American intervention, rallied around the flag against foreign aggression.

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## A Win, of Sorts

For now, American intervention appears to be off the table, though White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt insisted that the president was monitoring the situation closely and that all options remained on the table. Translated from Washington-speak, the Trump administration is signaling that strikes remain possible if Iran goes back on its word.

It is also worth noting that even though the United States did not strike Iran, that does not mean it did nothing. Administration officials had privately told Gulf partners that Trump's primary goal was to stop the killing. Considering Tehran's message that the executions were cancelled and the killings stopped, one could argue that Trump achieved his goals. The word "could" matters: given the information blackout, it is very difficult to figure out what is actually happening inside the regime's prisons.

And even if there really is a moratorium on executions, it offers little comfort to Iranians who watched thousands of their countrymen die in the streets and now face life under a repressive regime emboldened by its recent success. All of which leads to the final and most pressing question: with American help off the table, at least in the short term, a fractured opposition, and the protests crushed, what comes next for Iran?

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## What Comes Next

For long-time Iran observers, the scenes coming out of the country are very familiar. This is not the first time the nation has found itself on the other end of protests that everyone believed would lead to the collapse of the Ayatollah's government, only for it to emerge stronger than before. Every time this has happened, the Iranian people have bided their time before returning to the streets, sometimes years later.

All the signs indicate that this pattern will repeat itself. At some point in the not-too-distant future, the Iranian people will once again protest in the street. Already, despite the government's best efforts, people are still finding ways to express their discontent. Mehdi Yahyanejad told ABC that people were heard chanting anti-regime slogans from windows, and that in some neighborhoods groups of youths gathered and shouted slogans before quickly fleeing when security forces arrived.

This persistence is rooted in the fact that the government has not addressed the fundamental issues that drove people into the streets: a weakening currency, water shortages, runaway inflation, and an economy that, for all intents and purposes, is hobbling along on two broken legs and crutches that are themselves on the verge of breaking. With sanctions still in place, the government has no easy way out. Unless Tehran makes major concessions on its nuclear program, and given how central that program is to the regime's survival, that appears unlikely any time soon, it is all but guaranteed that the economy will continue to tank. In October 2025, the World Bank projected that Iran's economy would shrink in both 2025 and 2026, and that annual inflation would rise toward 60%. In short, all the ingredients for another round of protests are there.

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## Will It Happen Again?

Not everyone is convinced the cycle will turn quickly. William Spaniel, an associate professor at the University of Pittsburgh, argues that another uprising might not necessarily come. "Autocracies persist in environments where citizens are perennially upset but live in fear of resisting the government," he says. "In other words, citizens coordinating on protests is rare and magical and there is no guarantee that it will happen again." Spaniel may be right in the short term. The brutal crackdown has reminded Iranians just how dangerous taking to the streets can be.

But Michael Doran, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, argues that even if the regime survives, it will not emerge with its authority intact. The Islamic Republic may have crushed the protests, but it cannot restore the legitimacy it has lost. Each successive wave of unrest since 2009 has reduced the regime's capacity to impose its will on society while deepening popular resistance. The 2022 protests led to widespread public disregard for compulsory hijab laws. This round will likely leave its own legacy, one that further hollows out the government's claim to represent the people.

With enough time, and enough protests, the regime's legitimacy may be hollowed out to the point where nothing is left. And at that point, finally, the entire rotten edifice may collapse.

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## Frequently Asked Questions

### When and why did the Iranian crackdown turn lethal?

The turn came on the 8th of January, the twelfth day of the protests. Until then, an Iranian history professor told the Financial Times, the regime's response was restrained, with no atmosphere of fear and no violence on either side. The shift followed a call from exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi for Iranians to take to the streets, which Tehran found unacceptable. The government cut off the internet and international phone calls and unleashed lethal force against the crowds.

### Why did Iran's crackdown succeed where Tunisia, Sudan, and Madagascar saw their leaders fall?

In those countries, security forces or the military ultimately broke with their leaders. In Iran, Supreme Leader Khamenei retains full control of the armed forces as commander in chief. The military is split between the state-loyal Artesh and the regime-loyal IRGC and Basij militia. Defense writer Kyle Mizokami notes the IRGC is far better equipped, better trained, and more deeply embedded, meaning any move by the regular army would have to overcome it.

### What surveillance and psychological tactics did the regime use?

According to CNN's Mostafa Salem, the regime moved beyond conventional riot suppression to low-flying surveillance drones, signal jammers, and a rapid-response propaganda apparatus. It used a nationwide CCTV network, especially in Tehran, to identify demonstrators, and distributed a video titled "Identifiable Sounds" showing drones locating people who chanted anti-regime slogans from inside their homes, after which buildings were marked with warning stickers and some residents arrested.

### Why didn't President Trump intervene after promising help?

The Washington Post reports that a message from Tehran, delivered by Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, said the regime had cancelled the planned execution of 800 people, which Trump cited as a reason to hold off. Beyond that, there was the risk of Iranian retaliation against American bases in Iraq and Syria at a time when much US firepower had been deployed to the Caribbean for the Maduro operation; warnings from Israel and from regional allies including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Oman; and the sheer complexity of striking a country with layered air defenses and territory the size of Alaska.

### What is driving the likelihood of future protests?

The government has not addressed the underlying grievances: a weakening currency, water shortages, runaway inflation, and an economy crippled by sanctions. In October 2025, the World Bank projected Iran's economy would shrink in both 2025 and 2026, with annual inflation rising toward 60%. Already, people are chanting anti-regime slogans from windows and gathering in neighborhoods before dispersing when security forces arrive.

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## Sources

1. https://archive.is/V7Ip5
2. https://archive.is/xzj5s
3. https://abcnews.go.com/International/bloody-crackdown-appears-quelled-iran-protests-now/story?id=129287014
4. https://edition.cnn.com/2026/01/13/middleeast/iran-high-tech-additions-playbook-crushing-protests-intl
5. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2026/1/12/who-is-reza-pahlavi-the-exiled-prince-urging-iranians-to-seize
6. https://www.dw.com/en/irans-complex-political-and-military-power-structure/a-72976165
7. https://nationalinterest.org/blog/reboot/irans-massive-army-still-nothing-compared-irgc-192148
8. https://foreignpolicy.com/2026/01/15/faulty-assumptions-about-iran-have-driven-a-failed-u-s-policy/
9. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/01/19/iran-trump-attack-protesters-killed/
10. https://www.axios.com/2026/01/18/iran-strikes-trump-delay-military-options
11. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/15/gulf-states-and-turkey-urged-trump-not-to-launch-strikes-against-iran
12. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2026-01-15/iran-protests-will-khamenei-s-regime-survive-and-what-lies-ahead
13. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/jan/20/iran-protests-change-regime-fall

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