The 21st Century’s Deadliest War Could be about to Restart (Author: Morris M.) When the guns fell silent in November of 2022, it signaled the end of the deadliest conflict the 21st Century had yet seen. Running for almost exactly two years, the Tigray War pitched the state militia of Ethiopia’s Tigray region against the forces of the federal government in Addis Ababa, and its backers in both Amhara state and neighboring Eritrea. At its height, it’s estimated that more than a million men were fighting along the frontlines.
Key Developments
But it was the death toll that really made the conflict notable. Thanks to a government blockade that aimed to starve the renegade province into submission, it’s believed today that somewhere between 600,000 and 800,000 died. That’s more fatalities than seen during the Syrian Civil War, or the conflict in Ukraine.
A death toll that - even at its lower end - would still be more than twelve times higher than that seen in Gaza. Of course, there’s always some debate around superlatives, and academics argue about whether Tigray really was this century’s deadliest war. Mainly because you have to discount conflicts that started in the 1990s and crossed into the new millennium to hand it the crown, but also because there’s some evidence that the current catastrophe in Sudan may have since overtaken it.
Key Takeaways
- The Tigray War, which ran roughly two years before ending in November 2022, is considered the deadliest conflict of the 21st century, with an estimated 600,000 to 800,000 deaths driven largely by a government blockade aimed at starving the region into submission.
- The 2022 Pretoria Agreement ended the fighting but left key promises unimplemented, including the withdrawal of ethnic Amhara militias known as Fano from contested Western Tigray.
- TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael called a congress in 2025 that voted to expel interim leader Getachew Reda from the party, fracturing Tigrayan leadership and raising fears of renewed internal conflict.
- Eritrea has been conscripting military veterans amid renewed tensions with Ethiopia, while the Addis Standard has warned that the growing political-military crisis is “dangerously close to triggering another civil war.”
- Analysts warn that a divided TPLF could see one faction side with Eritrea and the other with the Ethiopian government, a split that could reignite the region’s worst conflict in a generation.
Amid fears of a new conflict, both governments are trying to win over the Tigrayan leaders, who are more divided than ever.” If this is correct, it’s not impossible that the power struggle in Tigray could see one TPLF faction side with Eritrea, while the other sides with the Ethiopian government.
Strategic Implications
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But whether it gets the top spot or not, there’s no arguing that the Tigray War was spectacularly bloody. And that means the world should be worried by recent news coming out the province. News that suggests the war may not be over, and that fighting could be about to restart.
Or, to quote the Addis Standard: “The growing political-military crisis in Tigray is dangerously close to triggering another civil war.” The political-military crisis in question has its seeds in the Pretoria Agreement that ended the fighting in 2022. Although defeated by Ethiopian government forces and their Amharan and Eritrean allies, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (or TPLF) managed to end the war with over 75,000 men still under arms, and one of their own - a guy called Getachew Reda - leading the province as the head of the Tigray Interim Regional Administration.
Although that sounds like a win for the TPLF, in practice it has been a massive disappointment.
Risk and Uncertainty
While a process to disarm the group began in November, the Ethiopian government has yet to implement many of the Pretoria Agreement’s key promises. The biggest of these regards Western Tigray zone, which was occupied by forces from Ethiopia’s Amhara region - who call the area Welkait. Now, we don’t have time to go into the history of Welkait, since it’s easily as complicated as that of Cyprus or Northern Ireland.
But the short version is that both the Amhara and the Tigrayans believe they have a historical claim to it, and both saw their compatriots living there persecuted and ethnically cleansed by the other side. Regaining control of Welkait was therefore supposed to be one of the Amharans’ big rewards for siding with the government in the war. But the Pretoria Agreement cut them out the deal, instead promising that their forces would withdraw to neighboring Amhara state, and that the question of Western Tigray would be settled by a referendum.
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Outlook
Rather than comply, the ethnic Amhara militias known as Fano stayed put. And that has caused a brewing crisis. In Tigray itself, the TPLF has begun to accuse interim leader Getachew of not standing up to the federal government and making them force the Fano to withdraw.
This frustration boiled over in August, when TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael called a congress, where he accused Getachew of not representing the region’s interests. In a subsequent ballot, TPLF leadership voted to expel Getachew from the party. Here’s where things get REALLY complicated.
This February, the specialist outlet Africa Defense Forum wrote that: “The conflict continues to escalate, with widespread violence and heavy clashes across the Amhara region and parts of Oromia.” While the government holds all the major urban centers, it’s currently thought that up to 80 percent of Amhara region’s countryside may be under control of the Fano.
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Frequently Asked Questions
How deadly was the Tigray War compared to other recent conflicts?
Estimates place the Tigray War’s death toll between 600,000 and 800,000, a figure that exceeds those of the Syrian Civil War and the conflict in Ukraine, and is more than twelve times higher than that seen in Gaza even at its lower end. That scale makes it a strong candidate for the deadliest conflict of the 21st century, though some academics debate whether certain conflicts crossing from the 1990s should factor into the comparison.
What did the 2022 Pretoria Agreement promise, and what went wrong?
The Pretoria Agreement ended the fighting and left TPLF figure Getachew Reda leading the Tigray Interim Regional Administration, but the Ethiopian government failed to implement key provisions. Most critically, Amhara militias known as Fano refused to withdraw from Western Tigray as required, keeping a contested territory at the heart of unresolved tensions between Tigrayan and Amhara communities who both claim historical ownership.
Why is the TPLF now divided, and what triggered that split?
Frustration over Getachew Reda’s perceived failure to pressure the federal government on Western Tigray came to a head in 2025 when TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael called a congress that voted to expel Getachew from the party. This split left two rival factions, with analysts warning that one could align with Eritrea while the other sides with the Ethiopian government, a combination that could ignite a new round of conflict.
What role could Eritrea play in a renewed conflict?
Eritrea fought alongside the Ethiopian federal government against the TPLF during the original war, and reports indicate it has been conscripting military veterans amid renewed tensions. The article notes that if the TPLF fractures along factional lines, one wing could side with Asmara, creating a volatile alignment that mirrors the dangerous coalitions of the original war.
How does the current crisis in Amhara region add to the overall instability?
The Africa Defense Forum reported in early 2025 that fighting continues to escalate across Amhara region and parts of Oromia, with up to 80 percent of Amhara’s countryside potentially under control of the Fano militias. The government holds major urban centers, but the ongoing conflict with Fano, who refused to comply with the Pretoria Agreement’s withdrawal requirements, means that Ethiopia is simultaneously managing multiple active insurgencies.
Sources
- https://www.voanews.com/a/at-au-summit-tigray-demands-full-implementation-of-peace-deal/7978728.html
- https://addisstandard.com/seeds-of-war-conflict-looms-over-tigray-as-regional-military-forces-side-with-political-factions/
- https://www.janes.com/osint-insights/defence-and-national-security-analysis/post/tigray-troop-movements-indicate-increased-risk-of-inter-factional-violence-with-ethiopias-amhara-region
- https://apanews.net/eritrea-conscripting-military-veterans-amid-ethiopia-tensions/
- https://www.bbc.com/somali/articles/clyn0dx4e2wo
- https://www.dw.com/en/is-ethiopias-tigray-on-the-brink-of-a-fresh-conflict/a-71510152
- https://www.france24.com/en/tv-shows/focus/20241114-two-years-after-ethiopia-s-tigray-war-eritrean-forces-still-occupy-border-regions
- https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2025/2/17/to-avoid-another-conflict-in-the-horn-of-africa-now-is-the-time-to-act
- https://www.africaintelligence.com/eastern-africa-and-the-horn/2025/02/24/tigray-leaders-dangerously-torn-between-addis-ababa-and-asmara,110378687-eve
- https://adf-magazine.com/2025/02/fighting-continues-in-ethiopias-amhara-region/
- https://x.com/_hudsonc/status/1894377555366416784
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